![Sándor Altorjai: Let Me Sink Upwards, painting, 1967](/courage/file/n125468/altorjai_sullyedjek_felfele.jpg)
![Photo: Beöthy, Balázs](/courage/file/n125468/altorjai_sullyedjek_felfele.jpg)
“Let me sink upwards (Waving image),” oil, gumming, mixed media, fiberboard, 305 × 342 cm.
The large format oil painting of Sándor Altorjai, consisting of two panels with adjoining sections of collages and applications: there is a jacket, a hat, a beard, a few old bank notes, and photos fixed on the left panel, and on the right there are plenty of photos, photocopies, and press clippings. The painted parts were made with multiple techniques, with brush, dripping, scratch, overprint, uncovering, one can see even marks of paint applied by feet. Originally a sculptural, shiny waving hand protruded from one of the sleeves of the jacket (in accordance with the subtitle).
The photos were taken during a film shoot with a close friend of the artist, Miklós Erdély, depicting him masked as a “poor Jew,” confronted with texts and press clippings of the period. The photocopy of the author’s identity card, placed in the lower right corner (substituting the sign), deserves special attention, because at that time it was forbidden to reproduce an official document in any form.
The work has an adventurous history. It was intended to be shown first at the yearly exhibition of the Studio of Young Artists in the Ernst Museum in 1967, but an unusually large jury arriving five days prior to the opening judged it inappropriate (along with 69 other artworks). However, this single work could not be carried away immediately due to its size and weight, so it remained in the exhibition space, but was covered with a drape. This way many visitors could see it by moving the drape.
The very same thing happened in 1980, at an exhibition organized after the death of the painter. Just before the opening, a party delegation from the district council descended on the spot and told to the director of the institution that the picture was inappropriate for exhibition due to its ambivalent Jewish aspects. The director called the curator to act accordingly, but he refused to remove the object because of its size and weight. The director then covered the picture with a drape himself, but the audience undraped it several times during the opening event.
According to the consensus of art historian professionals, this image is one of the masterpieces of Hungarian Pop Art. It came into the Contemporary Collection of the Hungarian National Gallery in 1982, where it became a respected item. Currently it is shown in the permanent exhibition. The waving hand reappeared in its place (most likely due to a restoration process), but was still missing in the photo displayed on the website of the collection.![művészet és kultúra](themes/courage/images/icons/b_art.png)
![Modris Tenisons' Pantomime Team collection](/courage/file/n22140/modris_performance.jpg)
![](/courage/file/n22140/modris_performance.jpg)
The collection shows the activities of Modris Tenisons’ troupe. In 1966, Modris Tenisons founded the first mime troupe in the Soviet Union. It was made a separate section of the Kaunas National Drama Theatre in 1967. Later, in 1970, it moved to Kaunas Musical Theatre. The troupe was well known for its performances, as well as for creating and living in the Hippie community in Kaunas. After the self-immolation of Romas Kalanta in Kaunas in 1972, and the youth protests against the Soviet regime, Modris Tenisons and his troupe were forced to leave Kaunas Musical Theatre and end their creative work.
![Minutes of the emergency session of organization of the League of Communists in the Emigrant Foundation of Croatia, 1967](/courage/file/n30923/Zapisnik-1.jpg)
![Croatian State Archives](/courage/file/n30923/Zapisnik-1.jpg)
![](themes/courage/images/reg0.png)
The minutes of the meeting of the three parties, convened to determine the responsibilities of Zvonimir Komarica, then director of the Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies, and also the chairman of the Commission on International Cultural Relations of Matica hrvatska (MH) and a member of the MH managing board, regarding the adoption of the Declaration on the Status and Name of the Croatian Literary Language. Komarica was accused of participating in the debate on the text of the Declaration, and did not publicly dissociate himself nor attempt to prevent its publication. He was then expelled from the League of Communists of Croatia (LCC). The subject of the meeting was also the signing of a letter of support to Ljudevit Jonke, a signatory of the Declaration by members of the Emigrant Foundation of Croatia, Ivan Čizmić and Nada Bukan, for which they were also expelled from the LCC shortly thereafter.
By 1995, the document was, along with the other records of socio-political organisations, a part of the Archive of the Institute of History of the Labour Movement of Croatia/Institute of Contemporary History. That year, in July, it was handed over to the Croatian State Archives (CSA) where it is kept today. The documents are accessible for use without any restrictions.
![művészet és kultúra](themes/courage/images/icons/b_art.png)
![Orwell, George. 1984. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 1967. Knjig](/courage/file/n120140/Orwell+1984_Puhar.jpg)
![Alenka Puhar](/courage/file/n120140/Orwell+1984_Puhar.jpg)
![Alenka Puhar](/courage/file/n120140/Orwell+1984_Puhar.jpg)
Alenka Puhar is the author of the first translation of George Orwell's dystopian novel 1984 into Slovenian, and at the same time into the language of any communist country. Puhar translated the novel in 1967 when she was still a student and it had a great influence on her. This was primarily reflected in the fact that the book gives its reader a device for critical thinking, which helped Puhar compare the society in the novel 1984 to Yugoslav society and come to comprehension that they are similar totalitarian systems. This knowledge determined Alenka Puhar’s future professional path.
The collection contains the first printed version of the novel 1984 which was translated in 1967, but does not include Puhar’s manuscript, which she handed in to the publisher. She did not keep the manuscript.
Pavel Doronin started his “anti-Soviet” activities in November 1967, when, on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the October Revolution, he produced a short leaflet with a message criticizing the regime and considered “subversive” by the Soviet authorities. The content of this text – Кто Продаёт Свою Совесть / Кто Причиняет Стране Страдания (Who Sells One’s Consciousness / Who Causes Suffering to the Country) – represented an acrostic with the first four letters of each line forming the initials of the Soviet Communist Party – КПСС / CPSU). Thereafter, Doronin constructed seven typeset-stamps in his apartment (each one coinciding with a word of the acrostic), which he then used to print twenty-four leaflets. Doronin spread the leaflets by, on the one hand, distributing six copies throughout Chișinău and, on the other hand, by sending the rest of the leaflets by post to various Soviet institutions, factories, and religious organizations. Another form of expressing his discontent was the drafting of caricatures and letters that he sent to various Soviet newspapers. Thus, in May 1970 Doronin creatively altered an anti-American caricature published in the Soviet journal Krasnaia zvezda (Red Star), the official organ of the Soviet Ministry of Defence, by inserting Breznhev’s portrait instead of the original image of the American president and by writing the initials of Czechoslovakia, Egypt and Vietnam against the background of heavy weapons, initially intended to refer to US war-mongering. Although during the preliminary inquiry the defendant insisted that he only intended to show the discrepancy between the official Soviet rhetoric of peace and the reality of Soviet military involvement abroad, the interpretation that the KGB investigators favoured emphasized the more serious accusation that Doronin in fact viewed the whole foreign policy of the USSR as more aggressive than that of the US. Finally, in a series of letters that he sent to the Soviet central newspapers Pravda and Izvestiia in October 1970, Doronin criticized various sensitive aspects of Soviet official policies and everyday life. Besides several short texts focusing on the ”Jewish question,” he also reacted to the debate around Alexander Solzhenitsyn’s nomination to the Nobel Prize for Literature. Reacting to the writer’s condemnation by the official Soviet press, Doronin wrote: “The journalists of a newspaper that is called Pravda (Truth) should be ashamed of spreading all sorts of baseless calumnies and of mocking a man who deserves only recognition, honour and respect from the Soviet people and all other peoples! And this is happening in a country where everyone is boastfully talking about Man as the main value? After all this, how can one believe in a Socialist future?” In another note he sent to Pravda, referring to a trial of a black marketer (spekuliant), Doronin harshly criticized the corruption and inequality within Soviet society, claiming that some party members were becoming a privileged class of “exploiters” instead of providing worthy examples of honesty and hard work. Despite the occasional, isolated and sporadic character of Doronin’s acts of defiance, this case is a fascinating example of how personal, social and political grievances could combine to stimulate an individual’s critical acumen beyond the limits usually tolerated by the regime. Doronin certainly did not fit the typical image of an anti-Soviet dissident or oppositional figure. However, the authorities took his “ideological deviation” seriously enough to spend considerable efforts in order to investigate his case and to condemn him for his “dangerous” views, despite his “sincere repentance” during the trial.
![ľudské práva a menšiny](themes/courage/images/icons/b_human.png)
![elnyomás](themes/courage/images/icons/b_oppression.png)
![politická opozícia](themes/courage/images/icons/b_political.png)
![Zbirka Alenke Puhar o ljudskim pravima](/courage/file/n18837/Puhar+Collection.jpg)
![Alenka Puhar](/courage/file/n18837/Puhar+Collection.jpg)
The Alenka Puhar Collection on the Human Rights Movement in Slovenia/Yugoslavia was mostly created in the 1980s and testifies to the struggle of Slovenian and Yugoslav activists to promote and protect human rights in Yugoslavia. Alenka Puhar was one of the key people in the 1983 campaign to abolish the death penalty in Yugoslavia, and in the organization of mass protests in Ljubljana in 1988 and in the Slovenian spring in the late 1980s. The collection documents the struggle and connections between Slovenian activists and other Yugoslav activists and dissidents who had the common goal of promoting and protecting human rights in Yugoslavia and ultimately the collapse of the communist regime.
![The Tied Up Balloon, 1967. Film](/courage/file/n390/privarzaniat+balon1.jpg)
![© Bulgarian National Film Archive](/courage/file/n390/privarzaniat+balon1.jpg)
През 1967 г. Бинка Желязкова прави филма "Привързаният балон" (1967 г.) по сценарий на Йордан Радичков по мотиви от едноименната му новела. Желязкова създава това произведение след пет години мълчание, тъй като бюрократичният апарат ѝ забранява да снима след първите ѝ два филма от края на 1950-те и началото на 1960-те години.
„Привързаният балон” е по сюжет по действителен случай - откъсване на един военен балон аеростат по време на Втората световна война, който прелита над малко българско село. Селяните решават да го гонят, за да си ушият ризи и гащи от коприната му. Преследването на балона е предадено чрез множество комико-драматични ситуации. Постепенно селяните забравят първоначалния подтик за преследването на балона, забравят враждата към селяните от съседно село, с които са влезли в бой за балона. В опита да достигнат балона се извисяват душевно. Накрая балонът пада на земята, мъжете го хващат, но в този момент пристига жандармерия и за да спасят балона, селяните го оставят да отлети. Балонът вместо да избяга се обръща и се опитва да се бие с войниците, но накрая е „смъртно” прострелян.
Като лайтмотив във филма е бягащо босо и безмълвно момиче в бяло – своеобразна земна проекция на полетелия към свобода балон. Момичето също като балона бяга, ту се крие от селяните, ту играе хоро с тях и накрая, също като балона, е застреляно, само че от един от селяните, от своите. Чрез този образ Бинка Желязкова изразява собственото си усещане за преследване, за безизходност, а – както интерпретират анализатори – и предчувствие за онова, което ще се случи след завършване на филма (Станимирова, Братоева).
Филмът е модерен, стилизиран кинопрочит на произведението на Йордан Радичков, сложно съчетание от комедийно и трагично, с богатство от колоритни образи и ситуации, чрез които се очертава многопластовия български национален характер.
Филмът е бунт срещу нормите на социалистическото изкуство - съзнателното накъсване на сюжета, богатите метафори и песимистичната дисхармония като финал на филма (смъртта на момичето и разкъсването на балона) определят стила на Желязкова и Радичков като „магически реализъм“. „Далеч преди Кустурица, с балкански темперамент и емоция, тя бе осъществила в киното онази „реалност, излитаща в небето“, с която той покори света.“ (Станимирова 2012: 243)
Филмът е реализиран въпреки множеството бюрократични пречки, които се създават пред екипа. Изпратен на Международния кинофестивал (МКФ) „Експо 67“ в Монреал, „Привързаният балон“ е закупен за разпространение в Европа и Америка. Но българската страна отзовава филма, анулира договора за продажбата му и плаща неустойка в долари. Българската кинематография отказва участието на филма и във Венецианския МКФ. Филмът е показан в едно кино за кратко, за да не минава за забранен. След това е свален от екрана за повече от две десетилетия. Скрит остава и партийният документ, изразяващ позицията на ръководните инстанции – не е публикуван в печата, а е разпространен като „циркулярно писмо“ до всички звена – партийни комитети, културни институти: „... сериозна тревога предизвиква наскоро завършеният филм „Привързаният балон“ на режисьорката Бинка Желязкова. Режисьорката е превърнала някои негативни страни на литературния сценарий в цялостна концепция на филма. Събитията и героите са разкрити през призмата на песимизма и неверието в човека. Противно на историческата правда българските селяни от периода на Втората световна война са изобразени като полудива тълпа. Филмът представлява подигравка с човека, с човешкото и националното достойнство, с историческите традиции и героичните борби на българския народ.“ (цит. по Станимирова 2012: 247-248)
Едва в началото на 1989 г. филмът е показан на Международния кинофестивал в Западен Берлин.
![Venus](/courage/file/n70037/venus.jpg)
![](/courage/file/n70037/venus.jpg)
![Letter of Milovan Đilas to Bogdan Radica, 27 January 1967](/courage/file/n7098/Djilas.jpg)
![By Unknown - Vladimir Dedijer, Dnevnik, knjiga I (str. 296), Beograd 1945., Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=30120903](/courage/file/n7098/Djilas.jpg)
![Croatian State Archives](/courage/file/n7098/Djilas.jpg)
Milovan Đilas’ letter to Bogdan Radica was written in 1967 in Belgrade after Đilas had been released from prison. It was Đilas responding to Radica’s letter on 16 January 1967. The reason for this letter was Đilas' book titled Petar Petrović Njegoš: Poet, Prince, and Bishop published in 1966, in the USA. Their correspondence started after Radica had written about the life of Milovan Đilas and his conversion from a rigid communist to a dissenter. In the letter the first Yugoslav dissenter Milovan Đilas wrote to Bogdan Radica on matters relating to Croatian-Serbian relations, the question of Yugoslavia’s existence and the literary works of Petar Petrović Njegoš. Radica wrote about Đilas in a series of essays and articles in the American reviews and newspapers, more importantly, the article "The Idealism of Milovan Djilas" issued in 1963 in the review The Commentary.
Radica was fascinated how Đilas read Njegoš and how he abandoned Marxist literature, coming back as a traditional writer. So it happened that they both commented in the letter the influencing factors of Njegoš on Croatian and Yugoslav literature. Radica felt that Đilas failed to adequately explain the relationship between Njegoš and the Croats of his time, like Ban Josip Jelačić and Ljudevit Gaj. Nonetheless, Radica pointed out that Njegoš had a great influence on the moral workings and mentality of the Yugoslav communists. In addition, in 1952, he also refers to Đilas' work Legenda o Njegošu (The Legend of Njegoš), in which he postulated that Njegoš’s Russophilia was the cause as to why so many Montenegrins turned to Stalin during the time of the Tito-Stalin conflict in 1948. Radica thought that Đilas' communism could not be understood without looking the culture that was inspired by Njegoš’s works. Therefore, this was clearly the reason why Đilas returned to Njegoš after his fall and break with the Marxist regime in 1954. After all, according to Radica, Đilas' re-reading of Njegoš was an effort to find some intellectual harbourage after abandoning the Party.![exile and emigration](themes/courage/images/icons/b_emigration.png)
![ľudské práva a menšiny](themes/courage/images/icons/b_human.png)
![Illyés, Gyula. People of the Puszta, 1967. Book](/courage/file/n40832/big_crbst_de20.jpg)
![](/courage/file/n97413/big_crbst_de20.jpg)
![művészet és kultúra](themes/courage/images/icons/b_art.png)
![Altorjay, Gábor. Chess Preserve, 1967. Installation](/courage/file/n33450/7_Altorjay_sakkbefott.jpg)
![Collection of Artpool Art Research Center](/courage/file/n33450/7_Altorjay_sakkbefott.jpg)
Gábor Altorjay’s Fluxus object entitled Chess Preserve was realized as part of the action Chess!! In 1967 (Írószövetség, Budapest, April 12, 1967) – evoking Marcel Duchamp’s passion for chess. The action was accompanied by the following poem:
1. Preserve a set of chess!
2. Put on a dark suit, a white shirt and a tie!
3. Use 250 ml of perfume!
4. Put the chess set on a table in front of you!
5. Put on 3 pairs of rubber gloves!
6. Open the chess set and say out loud: “Chess!” and pour the chess pieces on your own head!
7. Point at the door and shout: “There he goes!”
Around this time, Altorjay was working on other similar “anti-artworks” which recontextualized everyday objects, for instance Short Circuit Instrument (1968) and Uncomfortable (1968). The reconstruction of the Chess Preserve was made by Artpool for the exhibition 3×4 (1993), and it was exhibited in other shows, as well (Impossible Realism, Artpool P60, 2001; Dada and Surrealism / Rearranged Reality, Hungarian National Gallery, 2014).![The first pol-beat festival in 1967](/courage/file/n126097/00ny_pb_feszt_magyar_ifj.jpg)
![](/courage/file/n126097/00ny_pb_feszt_magyar_ifj.jpg)
The event was the direct outcome of the anxieties of the political elite. The party and communist youth leaders were worrying about the growing youth interest in popular music. They realized that young people were influenced by rock and roll, the beat movement, and they frequented concerts which rapidly became hit events in socialist Hungary as in the West. The authorities also recognized that these events were more popular, the youth were singing the songs, dancing together, and, thus, these events had bigger emotional effects than political speeches. Accordingly, the political elite expected that youth attitudes could be shaped by the lyrics of popular songs and, therefore, cultural criticism could be avoided. Pol-beat came to Hungary from the West, where young people protested against consumer capitalism, alienation, mass production, and the Vietnam War. The Hungarian term for pol-beat was invented by Tamás Bauer. The protest song from the West (by Bob Dylan, Joan Baez) also became popular in Hungary.
The Vietnam War became the topic of the Hungarian protest songs, as well. This produced strange effects: if Hungarian youth protested against the Vietnam War and, thus, in their songs they reflected upon social problems in the West, they actually could confirm the legitimacy of power and, hence, the Communist Youth Federation supported them. In 1968, at a TV-show “Hello boys, hello girls” [Hallo fiúk, hallo lányok] Imre Antal, the host, called the pol-beat an innovative and useful genre and called on the audience to join the movement.
János Maróthy also supported the movement because he considered pol-beat the folk music of the city. He thought that the pol-beat and protest-song were contemporary revolutionary songs.![Irimie, Cornel. Icons Painted on Glass in the Romanian Art, in Romanian, 1967. Manuscript](/courage/file/n4839/Photo.+Cornel+Irimie.+Icoane+pe+sticla.jpg)
![Source: UB Collection of COURAGE PhotographsAuthor: Corneliu Pintilescu](/courage/file/n4839/Photo.+Cornel+Irimie.+Icoane+pe+sticla.jpg)
As head of the Brukenthal Museum’s ethnography section, which also included the Museum of Folk Technics from 1963, Cornel Irimie, together with other ethnographers and museologists working at the institution, conducted field research on several aspects of peasant culture in villages located in various parts of Transylvania throughout the 1960s. The research concluded with the writing of studies as well as with the acquisition of many icons painted on glass. Both activities contradicted the communist regime’s policy of combating and limiting religious practices in society. In spite of this, Irimie’s leading position within the institution and the authority he enjoyed nationally in the field of ethnology made local authorities turn a blind eye to these activities. Irimie argued that the icons on glass created in monasteries or in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century peasant handicraft centres, which he rescued due to his acquisition policy, were part of the national artistic heritage. In addition, he also took advantage of the relative cultural opening in the first years of the Ceauşescu regime (1965–1971) and published a series of research studies on icons painted on glass.His activities in this respect are reflected in the file entitled Icoane pe sticlă în arta românească (Icons Painted on Glass in Romanian Art) which includes the findings of his field research, drafts of certain scholarly works, and reports on the acquisition of icons painted on glass for the ethnography section of the Brukenthal Museum. A report drawn up by Irimie in July 1967 mentions that, as part of a programme from June–July 1967, a team of museologists, fine artists and photographers from the Brukenthal Museum, led by himself, had visited over 100 Transylvanian localities and acquired 474 icons. This broad field research and icon collection action was the basis for some of Irimie’s studies regarding icons on glass and for papers he presented at international conferences. In these scholarly contributions, Irimie analysed the stages in the development of religious glass painting techniques, created a typology of religious painting centres in Transylvania, and pointed out the kinship between them. Moreover, Irimie also analysed the art of masters who painted icons on glass, emphasising the influences of the Western and Eastern canonical religious painting, as well as the stylistic mark that peasant culture left on these icons. Notable among his publications on this topic is the album Icoane pe sticlă (Icons on Glass) that he published together with Marcela Focșa. It was later translated into English (as Romanian Icons Painted on Glass), French and German.
![vzdelanie a veda](themes/courage/images/icons/b_education.png)
![elnyomás](themes/courage/images/icons/b_oppression.png)
![Augustinas Janulaitis Collection](/courage/file/n32651/Janulaitis.jpg)
![LMAVB RS, F267-2860, lap. 8](/courage/file/n32651/Janulaitis.jpg)
Augustinas Janulaitis was a famous Lithuanian national activist, an active member of the Social Democratic Party, a lawyer and historian. In 1945, he became dean of the Faculty of History at Vilnius University, and later a member of the Academy of Sciences. The Augustinas Janulaitis collection, which is kept in the Wróblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences, holds various manuscripts of Janulaitis' work, and documents relating to his career and life in Soviet Lithuania. His letter to the president of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences reflects the difficult situation in 1946, when he was attacked by the Soviet authorities for bourgeois nationalism. To students, he was an example of an intellectual and a scholar of interwar independent Lithuania.